|
Geographic and Political Writing A Model of the East-West Division in North Dakota Politics |
Notes & Links | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
|
Paul D. Meartz [Mayville State University]
Abstract. The east-west division in North Dakota
politics is examined from its cultural base. The
cultural background of the German-Russian and
Norwegian peoples of the state is summarized in
terms of a model which lists the appropriate points
at which to look for cultural information
significant to understanding the current political
landscape.
North Dakota politics traditionally have been conducted in the shadow of a division between the eastern and western portions of the state, a division and struggle that extends back to the last century (Tweton, 1958:21). This division continues to be a part of the contemporary period; (Fargo Forum, 1987; Omdahl, 1987; Pedeliski, n.d.). This paper will develop and illustrate the use of a simple model of the cultural forces that have created this geographic split within North Dakota. The east-west division has received the passing attention of scholars over the years (Robinson, 1966: 558; Tweton, 1958: 21; Meartz, 1987, 1989a, 1989b), but the recent work of Pedeliski et al. (n.d.) has provided important insights. Studying the voting patterns in recent North Dakota balloting involving initiatives and referendums, it was found that east-west location was a significant factor, although incomplete in explanatory power, where politicized initiatives and referendums involving government authority and fiscal policy were concerned (Pedeliski et al., n.d.: 16). Location was not a factor when the issues involved low visibility before the voters, localized support for colleges, or morality (Pedeliski et al., n.d.: 15-17). After finding that social- economic variables had limited to no significance in explaining variation in voting patterns between the eastern and western portions of the state, they concluded that there seems to a cultural basis to the division. Environmental variables may have played some role in establishing political outlooks, as the hardship of western life may have resulted in the creation of a self-protectionist mythology. The lack of change under the improved economic conditions of the early 1980's may have resulted from the cyclical economic experiences of westerners since settlement (Pedeliski et al., n.d.: 18). In the end, political culture is a likely basis for the division, and it is to the development of a culture that our attention shall now be directed. The political culture of a people is determined by the interaction of those people with themselves and others, under conditions where varying pressures are exerted from inside and outside the group (see Figure 1). The nature of a state culture in the United States is developed upon a base culture found at the home site, generally in Europe, reflecting long- and short-term conditions in that traditional home. The migration process often involves the introduction of cultural changes at locations other than the actual settlement site in the state of final choice. At these intermediate locations, the length of stay may range from a short period of acclimatization to a century long settlement, with the latter involving a generational shift in the actual immigrants.
: CURRENT CULTURE The final destination brings its own factors to bear upon the cultural dispositions of the immigrant. It is in this location that the immigrant becomes a part of the state culture. If strong enough, the immigrant group can become a determinant of the nature of the state's culture. The final impacts on culture come from the flow of political, economic, and social pressures through time. All culture is subject to change under pressure over time. What follows is a sampling of the cultural backgrounds and contributions of several major ethnic groups in North Dakota. Four major ethnic groups dominate North Dakota (see Table 1). However, because of the variety of immigration experiences represented within each group, there are more than four pathways through the immigration process and, therefore, through the cultural development process described above. Given this variety, only the gross generalities of culture as shown by the two dominant groups will he presented. The original location of these people was generally in southwestern Germany, especially Wurttemberg (Schock 1964: 21, 31). Important factors fostering migration were warfare, draft avoidance, and economic problems related to crop failures and crowded conditions (Schock, 1964: 19-25). Migrants left these conditions at the invitation of several Russian monarchs, after 1762, who were willing to offer good terms to German immigrants willing to settle in open areas mainly along the Volga River and Black Sea. The century-later immigrants, who would move to North Dakota, would generally have been descendants of the settlers of
the Black Sea colonies (Schock, 1964: 116). In South Russia, Schock pictures the German-Russians as successful farmers, living in villages which were quite independent of each other, and bothered by the lack of security (1964: 38-43) . The Germans resisted "Russianization" and developed a distrustful view of government, based upon experiences with the Russian government and its officials (Robinson, 1966: 284-288). Transferring these dispositions to North Dakota, including a stop in South Dakota for some (Hudson 1976: 246), the German-Russians settled in isolated parts of the state. They can be seen as seeking isolation because the sense of distrust for government was established within the group. It also would match the group's tendency to show independence (Schock, 1964: 139-142). In discussing the political behavior of German-Russians in the United States, Sallet, noted that the German-Russians were not socialists (Sallet, 1974: 97). This gives the suggestion of an individualistic character. Also, German-Russians have been identified as being "rarely found in public affairs" and "very active" in politics, the difference likely being one of timing based upon the slowness in "Americanization" (Joachim, 1939: 26; Sallet, 1974: 95). Joachim found that they avoided certain occupations--police and lawyer, --because of their distaste for those who occupied these posts in Russia (1939: 9). He also revealed a tendency for German -Russians to limit their public expression because of the suppression of their opinions under Russian rule (1939: 18). Sallet noted a tendency to establish themselves in local politics before moving to state offices (1974: 95). These factors fit well into Elazar's conception of "individualistic political culture," government should operate only as an adjunct to private activity (1966: 86-87; also see Pedeliski, n.d.: 10-11). Individualistic, private concerns should be dominant. The individualism, lack of socialist interest, and limitations on public activity support the claim of the existence of individualistic culture. These are not people culturally trained to openly push for government action or to expect government action to benefit them. Political officeholders are seen as businessmen in a public sense, rather than servants. This would fit with the German-Russian view of Russian bureaucrats. Also, the settlement pathway of German-Russians was through southeastern South Dakota where individualistic political culture is dominant (Hudson, 1976: 246; Elazar, 1966: 97). Thus the intermediate location factor would also point to an individualistic culture. There is also some support for identification with "moralistic political culture , " defined as one in which individualism is limited by beliefs that community activity is acceptable when necessary and that service to the public properly defines a politicians role (Elazar, 1966: 90-91). Dorf (village) activity in Russia was communal to a partial degree, particularly where fieldwork and construction were concerned (Schock, 1964: 47), and some ability to recognize the "good" of communal activity may have existed in the culture of these immigrants to North Dakota. However, the settlement pattern in the United States was characterized by isolated farmsteads, and the communal village was found only among specialized religious communities (Shock, 1964: 90). This tendency may have been weak. The toughness of life on the Drift Prairie to the west should only have served to support these positions. Economic life, and its social and political consequences, has been hard for settlers in the area dominated by the German-Russians. The depression years and the drought years of the 1980's have been difficult (Meartz, 1987, 1989a). Thus, the German-Russian component of the state would seem to Possess an individualistic political culture, with possible moralistic tendencies. The Germans who migrated directly from Germany to the United States generally left for the same reasons that the German-Russians did: political upheaval, draft avoidance, economic problems, and crowding (Cunz, 1952: 63). They, of course, would lack the contributions to their culture of the Russian experience. The element of distrust should be lower, hence an easier fit with a moralistic political culture should characterize them. The cultural background of this group is, however, difficult to summarize because of the diversity of experiences in Germany and the United States compared to the German-Russians,
The Norwegian experience varied from that of the German- Russian. Democratic experience is a part of the cultural base. The Norwegians have democratic roots stretching far back into their history (Lindal, 1981: 16-41), even though the colonial domination of Norway may partially limit the importance of this for immigrants to North Dakota. Through the 1800's democratic activity was growing within Norway, with suffrage for forty-five percent of Norwegian males over twenty-five after 1814 and increasing turnout after 1872 (Eliassen, 1981: 128, 130). Thus the individualistic tendency is tempered with positive experience with government, something lacking in the German-Russian , This would suggest moralistic political culture. Community-oriented activities, limited by the isolation of Norwegians over time, can be seen as present given the growth of the cooperative movement after 1856 (Stolpe, 1981: 373). The influences placed upon Norwegians at intermediate locations would have maintained moralistic culture. A comparison of Hudson's settlement routes with Elazar's culture areas shows that Norwegians directly from Norway, making temporary stays in places east of North Dakota, and those who settled for some period to the east, stopped in places with moralistic culture (Hudson, 1976: 250-251; Elazar, 1966: 97). The moralistic political culture was maintained in North Dakota. Semmingsen noted a tendency of Norwegians to join organizations of many types and to take pride in group members achieving high office (1978: 145, 148-151). The Norwegians developed a distinct interest in politics to the point that it was once speculated in psychiatric circles that one cause of increased mental illness among Norwegian-Americans, a finding later found false, might be that politics overstimulated the Norwegian (Winberg cited in Odegaard, 1932:49). The Norwegian has likely maintained this cultural baggage over time. With heavy settlement in the more successful Red River Valley, the Norwegian has not had the pressure of economic struggle to the degree of that faced by the German-Russians, A moralistic political culture would fit the cultural inclinations of the Norwegian people in eastern North Dakota. The east-west division can then be seen as being established and nourished by the differentiation between the Norwegian- dominated, moralistic political culture of the East and the German- Russian dominated individualistic, with moralistic potential, political culture of the West. That this dualism exists on the appropriate issues, those where culture could be a factor, was earlier shown by Pedeliski et al., when they found that the pattern of voting on initiatives and referendums dealing with government authority and fiscal policy was partially and best explained by location east or west in the state, and also with the existence of Scandinavian majorities to a small degree (n.d.: 16). Me art z illustrated how the east-west division and German-Russian culture were visible in the voting patterns on the 1989 referendum balloting (1989b). Based on the historic experiences of the two major ethnic groups in North Dakota, there is basis for claiming that the east- west division is based on cultural differences between the major groups inhabiting each region of the state. The Norwegians came with a moralistic political culture and its positive view of government authority and functions. The German-Russians came with a decidedly negative view of government based upon their experiences in Russia, and, coupling this with the greater isolation of western North Dakota, emerged with an individualistic political culture. Each group does share some elements of the opposite group. The German-Russians do have some community- oriented background, where the community is defined as the local unit, and positive experience in local government. These give them a moralistic tendency. The Norwegians are individualistic, have a history of living in isolated settlements to some degree, and did undergo a long period of colonial domination. This would suggest some underlying individualistic cultural elements could be supported. In the end, the singular titles of moralistic and individualistic seem appropriately apt.
Three in-class projects might increase learner appreciation of the problem. First, a survey of the attitudes in the local community or school would involve the students in the survey process, providing an "active learner" situation, and acquaint them with the feelings and views of their role models concerning this issue. The questions should involve current issues which divide the two and direct questions about the existence of the division or its :importance. Second, an in-class brainstorming session focused on the question of what the "other" side sees would force eastern students to think like westerners and vice versa. The materials presented in this article would be appropriate for establishing a starting point for this session. The eastern student, made aware of the Russian experience and the economic problems of the German- Russian (read central-westerner), may achieve increased understanding of that political position. The positive view of the easterner may be understandable to the westerner in terms of modern conditions. Attempts at understanding the other group via this process would further serve the educational purposes of cross- cultural understanding in the world in general, a start at home approach. Third, a pen pal project with an eighth grade class in the opposite section of the state would serve to bring realism to the course of study. Both teachers would be forced to guide the letter writing process so that the content of the letters deals with important cross-cultural issues. questions of lifestyle, isolation, and commonness would be appropriate.
Aberle, George P. 1964. From the Steppes to the Prairie. Bismarck, ND: Bismarck Tribune. Berg, Francis M. (ed.). 1983. Ethnic Heritage in North Dakota. Washington, DC: Attiyeh Foundation. Cunz, Deter. 1952. "German Americans." In One America. Edited by Francis J. Brown and Joseph S. Roucek. New York: Prentice-Hall. pp.104-120. Elazar, Daniel J. 1966. American Federalism: A View from the States. New York: Thomas Crowell. Elazar, Daniel J. 1970. Cities of the Prairie: The Metropolitan Prontler and American Politics. New York: Basic. Eliassen, Kjell A. 1981. "Political and Public Participation." Nordic Democracy. Edited by Folmer Wisti. Translated by Erik J. Friis. Copenhagen: Det Danske Selskab. pp. 15-45. Fargo Forum. 1987. "Western lawmakers exchange views with eastern legislators". March 9. Hudson, John C. 1976. "Migration to an American Frontier, " Annals of the Association of American Geographers 66 (2): 242-265. Joachim, S. 1939. Toward an Understandins of the Russia German. Concordia College Occasional Papers, No. 1. Moorhead, MN: August. Jonassen, Christen T, 1983. Value Systems and Personality in a Western Civilization: Norwegians in Europe and America. Columbus, OH: Ohio State University. Lindal, Sigurthur. 1981. "Early Democratic Tradition in the Nordic Countries" Nordic Democracy. Edited by Folmer Wisti. Translated by Erik J. Friis. Copenhagen: Det Danske Selskab. pp. 15-45. Lubell, Samuel. 1956. The Future of American Politics 2nd Edition. Garden City, New York: Doubleday. Meartz, Paul D. 1987. "An Exploratory Study of Bankruptcy and Its Ecological Correlates in North Dakota," Bulletin of the Association of the North Dakota Geoqraphers (37): 20-40. Meartz, Paul D. 1989a. "Bankruptcy Trends in North Dakota 1985-1988: An Indicator of Community Stress." Paper presented at Canadian Association of Geographers-Prairie Division and Association of North Dakota Geographers Meeting, Minot, North Dakota, September 30. Meartz, Paul D. 1989b. "Cultural Factors in the December 5, 1989 Referendums in North Dakota" Paper presented at Association of North Dakota Geographers Meeting, Mayville, North Dakota, December 9. Omdahl, Lloyd. 1987. "East and West Dakota, rather than..." Fargo Forum. April 6. Odegaard, Omulr. 1932. Emmigration and Insanity: A Study of Mental Diseases Among the Norweicm Bovy Population of Minnesota. Copenhagen: Levin and Munksgaard. Pedeliski, Theodore; Kweit, Robert W.,; Kweit, Mary Grisez; and Omdahl, Lloyd. n.d. "Cleavages on Recent Ballot Measures: The Two States of North Dakota?" Special Report No. 81. Grand Forks, ND: Bureau of Governmental Affairs, University of North Dakota. Robinson, Elwyn. 1966. History of North Dakota. Lincoln, NB: University of Nebraska. Sallet, Richard. 1974. Russian-German Settlement in the United States. Translated by Lavern H. Rippley and Armand Bauer. Fargo, ND: North Dakota Institute for Regional Studies. Schock, Adolph. 1964. In Quest of Free Land. Assen, Netherlands: Royal Vangorcum. Semmingsen, Ingrid. 1978. Norway to America. Translated by Einar Haugen. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota. Stolpe, Herman. 1981. "The Cooperative Movements" . Nordic Democracy. Edited by Folmer Wisti. Translated by Erik J. Driis. Copenhagen: Det Danske Selskab. pp 15-45. Tweton, D. Jerome. 1958. "Sectionalism in North Dakota Politics: The Progressive Republican Revolt of 1900." North Dakota History. October: 21-28. U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census. 1980. North Dakota Census of Population 1980. Precessed by Floyd Hickok. Grand Forks, ND: University of North Dakota, Geography Dept. Voeller, Joseph B. 1940. The Origin of the German-Russian People and Their Role in North Dakota. M.S. Thesis, University of North Dakota. |
Comments and questions should be addressed to:
contents last updated: September 14, 2004
|
||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||